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KIM DONG-EUN · The Age of the Fifth Cult Community, Opened by AI (22 chapters)

1. Declaration: The Fifth Wave Has Already Arrived

Kim Dong-eun WhtDrgon. · Chapter 1

1. Declaration: The Fifth Wave Has Already Arrived

One-line summary: Every time a new medium arrived, a new wave of belief communities rose with it, and the fifth wave — the one that speaks for itself — has already arrived.


The Broadcast Station on a Ford

In 1928, a Ford Model T rolls down a dirt road in Kansas. Mounted on its chassis is a wooden house, and lashed to the roof is a large speaker wired to a phonograph. The man at the wheel is an evangelist known as a pioneer, from a denomination that has not yet taken the name Jehovah's Witnesses. He sleeps in this car, travels in this car, and plays, from its roof, records of Bible lectures. This vehicle — at once a house, a means of transport, and a broadcast station — people called the house car.

The car was converted not out of romance but out of accounting. For an itinerant evangelist working without a salary, lodging costs were ruinous, and towing one's house along made that expense disappear. In today's language, this was the prototype of one-person media with fixed costs eliminated.

In the same era, in Los Angeles, the revivalist Aimee Semple McPherson was touring the city in a gospel car with gospel phrases painted across its body. A few years later she went further and founded her own radio station, KFSG, one of the earliest instances of a religious organization receiving a broadcast license in the United States. The two of them would never have crossed paths on doctrinal grounds, but they shared one judgment: when a new technology appears, the message must climb aboard it directly, without waiting for anyone's permission. The automobile was still turning from a rich man's toy into the vehicle of the masses, and radio was a newborn medium — but neither of them waited.

A century later, it is easy for us to consume this scene as a curiosity of religious history. But shift the frame and it becomes the opening scene in the history of content distribution. The house car was a creator owning an entire channel before platforms existed, and the street-corner phonograph was a push notification from an age that had no concept of subscribers. And that same judgment — put the message on the new technology — repeats four more times over the following hundred years. A century ago as now, the message belongs to whoever owns the vehicle.

Four Waves

Trace the timeline backward and four lineages emerge. The first wave ran from the 1820s to the 1840s in America, its medium cheap print, the mails, and itinerant preaching on foot. In western New York's so-called Burned-over District — land where the fires of revival had passed so often that nothing was left to burn — Mormonism was born, the Millerite adventist movement gathered hundreds of thousands, and Spiritualism swept the continent, all of it riding the era's distribution network of pamphlets and circuit lectures. The second wave ran from the 1870s to the 1900s, its medium mass publishing and the railroad. Christian Science and the Theosophical Society grew through magazines and lecture tours, and the journal of the Bible Student movement, forerunner of Jehovah's Witnesses, built a continent-spanning subscriber network riding the railway mail system.

The third is the age of the house car. Between the 1910s and the 1930s, as the automobile, the phonograph, and radio overlapped, the revival that spread from a run-down building on Azusa Street in Los Angeles organized itself into Pentecostal denominations, the Bible Students reorganized as Jehovah's Witnesses, and the forerunner of the Nation of Islam was born. The fourth wave was television, from the 1960s to the 1980s. Televangelism built broadcasting empires, the Unification Church and Scientology grew, and Eastern meditation movements arrived in the West by satellite. It was in this wave, too, that preachers began urging living-room viewers to lay their hands on the screen. And from the mid-2010s, recommendation algorithms and social media produced what might be called the 4.5th wave, distinguished by the fact that the sender had split from broadcast station into individual — its emblematic product QAnon, the American conspiracy movement that spread out of anonymous message-board posts.

One law emerges from this lineage: a new wave of belief communities always explodes in combination with the newest communication technology of its era. Print, the railroad, the automobile and the radio wave, the cathode-ray tube, the algorithm — each in turn was its vehicle.

The River That Never Runs Dry

But technology alone does not complete the explanation. Radio existed for everyone — so why did a wave rise only in certain eras? Two more variables are needed for a wave to form. One is demand pressure: anxiety that the existing system of meaning cannot absorb must have built up, as it does through war, depression, plague, and rapid urbanization. The other is a decline in the trust of existing suppliers. The third wave arrived as the fundamentalist-modernist controversy was cracking the authority of established denominations; the fourth arrived atop the long decline of the mainline churches. Add new technology to demand pressure, subtract the trust of existing suppliers, and a new territory is born in the empty ground left by the difference.

A recent example is the COVID years. As the anxiety of plague drove up demand pressure and remote-contact technology spread overnight, the conduct of some religious groups eroded the trust of existing suppliers. And over those same three years, a conversation partner behind a screen — one who never tired of listening to what people had to say — began to spread. Those three years were a real-time demonstration of the equation.

A corollary follows from the equation: demand is conserved. The disappearance of newsstands did not mean the disappearance of news; the disappearance of pay phones did not mean the disappearance of phone calls; and the decline in church attendance did not mean the disappearance of the demand for meaning, belonging, and counsel. The river does not run dry — it changes course. The person who once read newspapers now looks at a smartphone; the child who once read comic books now plays games; the person who once attended church now flows toward YouTube channels, fandoms, and online communities. Every individual YouTuber is already a small worldview, subscribing is attendance, and sponsorship has inherited the channel once carried by tithes. That is why each country's statistics on religious decline are not a refutation of this book but its premise. What those numbers show is not the extinction of demand but its migration — and migrating demand needs, in bulk, new dwellings to settle in.

The Arrival of a Medium That Speaks

The four preceding waves shared one condition: the printing press, the railroad, radio, television — all of them were pipes that carried a message. The one doing the speaking was always a person. Russell of the Bible Student movement wrote, McPherson preached, the revivalist Billy Graham broadcast, and even QAnon began from posts thrown out by an anonymous human poster. Even the algorithm was a curator, not a speaker. The recommendation engine only chose which human's words to show next; it could not compose the words themselves, and so even the 4.5th wave still required a human sender. In the fifth wave, that last condition disappears. For the first time in history, AI is not a medium that carries a message but a subject that composes and utters one.

Let me name, in advance, two effects this shift produces. One is overfitting. When a model is tuned deeply to one person's language, interests, and narrative, that person receives words prepared for no one but them. The core condition of revelation throughout religious history has been exactly this personal address, and now it is mass-produced automatically. The other is hyperinference: the ability to stitch scattered facts into a smooth narrative of cause and purpose, which is also the grammar shared by prophecy and conspiracy theory alike. In short, personally addressed revelation and an inexhaustible grammar of prophecy issue from the same machine. Both effects are dissected in chapter ten.

Let me also fix a starting point. Just as the radio wave was named not for the moment of invention but for the 1920s, when the public came to own receivers, the starting point of the fifth wave is now — the moment people began forming quasi-spiritual relationships with personalized AI. If the chatbot's public release at the end of 2022 was the seed, the mid-2020s, when personalization, memory, and constant companionship converged, is the germination. A wave's name is always fixed after the fact, but whether to climb aboard it must be decided in real time. This is therefore not a prediction but a field report.

An Age That Has Reached the Neighborhood

If "field report" sounds like an overstatement, take a walk around your own neighborhood. A café with a sticker declaring a particular political leaning, a bakery with a conspiracy-theorist YouTuber's catchphrase propped at the register, a personal trainer with a pinned political statement on their profile. This signal-sending, spreading across every trade, is not irrationality but calculation. In a market splintered into segments, a shop that sends no signal at all appears on no community's map. Neutrality is not non-affiliation; it is non-existence. The customer's calculation is the same. Even buying the same loaf of bread, purchasing it from a shop that confirms one's own world makes the purchase double as membership dues.

The precise name for what these shops are doing is lens leasing. This provisional name, lens, will receive its formal name in chapter three. Instead of building one's own worldview, one rents space inside a worldview already built. The effect appears the moment the tenancy begins. The community in question always needs points where its world can be confirmed in physical space, and a shop with a single sticker on it absorbs that demand on the community's behalf — in exchange, the purchase becomes a rite. Donjjul (punishing a good deed with purchases) and boycott are the commercial versions of tithe and excommunication. That even the dates when orders should surge and the wording of reviews get coordinated on community boards makes it clear that this is not spontaneous but organized ritual.

But tenancy comes with a bill attached. Because the customer's loyalty belongs to the host community rather than to the shop, the shop becomes an interchangeable confirmation point, replaceable at any time; and because the leased lens carries no right of revision, the shop goes wherever the host goes, whether it radicalizes or collapses. There is also a tax of polarization. The moment a shop hangs up one lens, half the market on the other side turns away from the register, and the size of that loss is set not by the shop but by the currents of the host community. This analysis carries no political side. The problem is not the landlord's politics but the position of tenancy itself.

Reclaiming the Name

Before going further, one word must be reclaimed, because this book deliberately uses the word cult. I use it knowing the wariness it summons in a Korean-speaking reader, for the reason that its bad reputation is only fifty years old, while its original meaning is two thousand. The Latin colere meant, in a single word, to cultivate, to dwell, and to worship, and from it branched cultus (tending), cultura (culture), and colonia (a settlement). Cult and culture are siblings from the same root, and dwelling was built into cult's etymology from the beginning.

This neutral usage was standard for two thousand years — the cult of Athena, the cult of the saints, the imperial cult, all described with this very word, and religious studies still uses it that way. The pejorative sense only began to attach in mid-twentieth-century America and hardened after Jonestown in 1978. Art history, too, is full of cases where a slur thrown from outside was picked up and nailed to the door as a name. Gothic was mockery for the style of barbarians; Impressionist came from a review that jeered at Monet; Fauvist was an insult meaning wild beasts — and every one of those names has since been reclaimed. Korean is, if anything, in a favorable position here, because the share of contempt is already carried by separate vocabulary — sa-i-bi (pseudo-religion), fanaticism, heresy — leaving the loanword cult relatively unstained.

And decisively, an uncontaminated usage already lives among us: cult classic, cult movie, cult following. When we see an audience arrive in costume at a midnight screening and recite the dialogue in unison, we call them fans of a cult movie — no one reports them to anyone. In these phrases, cult is a badge of honor meaning an audience that is small in number but devoted, one that invents its own liturgy, and the cult in this book is exactly that cult. Push the logic of the etymology to its end and one sentence remains: cult is cultivation, culture is the harvest.

The State of the Door

Still, one question remains. Didn't the word become dangerous because there was real harm? Yes. So let me set, from the outset, the criterion that separates good devotion from bad devotion — and the criterion is not the intensity of belief. An ardent fandom and a destructive group cannot be told apart by the temperature of their devotion. The criterion is the state of the door.

Cross two axes and the picture sharpens. One axis is the intensity of devotion; the other is the cost of exit. Where devotion is high and exit is free — where the door stands wide open and people stay anyway — is the cult community this book is about. The audience that has gathered for midnight screenings for decades lives in that quadrant. No one holds them there, and still they come. Conversely, where devotion is high and the cost of exit is also high — where relationships, property, and identity are held hostage and the door is locked — is a high-control group. We look into that quadrant not in order to build it but in order to avoid it, and it is worth remembering that exit cost is calculated not only in money, like a penalty fee, but in relationships that will be severed, reputations that will collapse, and identities that will be sunk. This book calls this 2×2 coordinate the Fence, and will set it up again each time a powerful tool is brought out.

And there is a fourth quadrant, where devotion is low but exit cost alone is high. The dark pattern lives there: hiding the cancel button, binding customers into contracts. Apps that deliberately tangle the unsubscribe path and services that hide their withdrawal instructions in gray text are all residents of this quadrant. The insight this coordinate offers is especially painful for marketers: the dark pattern is not a cousin of the cult but its exact opposite. If retention depends on exit friction, what you have are captives, not believers, because the very definition of cult holds only in front of an open door. What this book proposes to build is exactly one kind of place: one where the door is open and people stay anyway.

The Ladder of Participation

Now it is time to locate your own position on this map. Participation in the fifth-wave era has four rungs. Rung 0 is unaffiliated: shops and generic content that send no signal at all live here, and as we saw above, this rung's name is not neutrality but non-existence. Rung 1 is tenant: the bakeries and trainers that ride someone else's lens to send a signal live here. Rung 2 is evangelist: people who have built their own stake inside someone else's worldview — dedicated worldview-explainer channels, reaction creators, and large fan accounts. This is a proven occupation, one that gathers hundreds of thousands of subscribers from nothing but explaining someone else's setting, and because their asset is the authority of knowledge and interpretation, what they do is the same work as the old commentator. Far more stable than the tenant, but still inside someone else's domain.

Rung 3 is architect: those who own their own lens, their own worldview, their own residents. Artists who run their own worldview, game studios that have built a world of their own, channels that have become a single point of view in themselves, live here. K-pop is a good cross-section of this ladder — within the same industry, the teams that do it well have industrialized the entire rung-3 package, from worldview and fan-chant conventions to merchandise, comeback schedules, and fandom platforms, while the teams that don't remain stuck at rung 1, leasing whatever trend passes by. The neighborhood bakery and a fourth-generation idol group stand, in effect, at opposite ends of the same ladder.

This ladder exists not only to be climbed but to be used for diagnosis. What rung is the signal your brand is currently sending, and to whom does your customers' loyalty currently belong? This book's destination is rung 3. What the pioneer a century ago had to convert a Ford to obtain can now be built with tools on a desk — that is the substance of this era. The difference between rung 0 and rung 1 is not courage but awareness, and the difference between rung 1 and rung 3 is not capital but design. The bakery is evidence of the fifth-wave era, not its model.

The Wave That Has Already Arrived

Finally, one record is attached to this declaration. In January 2021, twenty-two months before ChatGPT came into the world, I left a note on a public timeline. It said that local, face-to-face religious content had reached its limits; that demand would not vanish but would change course; that AI would listen to people's stories without ever tiring or growing angry; and that what remained was the birth of worldview designers, communities, and platforms. The sentences that were called fantasy back then have since become a checklist of observations. I am not raising this to boast that I got it right, but to leave behind evidence that this wave is not an overnight fad but a decade-scale shift in the ground itself. This book is not writing that jumped on a trend — it is the record of five years of observation.

Here is this book's map. The next four chapters climb the stairs of theory one at a time: how ideas get translated into something perceptible, how that translation becomes a lens for interpreting the world, how a lens turns a viewer into a resident, and what that dwelling changes on the inside of a person. From chapter six on, it is the particulars: doctrine, narrative, ritual, gathering places, AI oracles, canon management, onboarding, schism, and countdown — the tools harvested from a century of waves, examined one by one. Chapter ten takes up even the structure of the marketplace, where individual worldviews will move in and compete on star ratings and reviews. The final chapter is a workbook for building your own world with these tools.

Let me close with the declaration itself. In the age of AI, translating ideas into values of sensation — that is, into parameters — is not a matter of style but a condition of survival. In an ocean of content that regresses toward the mean, only a worldview with its values specified is identifiable, and only what is identifiable becomes a dwelling place. The fifth wave is not coming. It has already arrived.


Further reading

  • Aimee Semple McPherson and her radio station KFSG. The history of the gospel car and early religious broadcasting can be traced through the records of The Foursquare Church, which she founded, and through several biographies.
  • The Burned-over District. Whitney R. Cross's 1950 study of the same name is the classic work on the revivalism of this region.
  • The early itinerant preaching of Jehovah's Witnesses. Records of the pioneer and house-car era can be confirmed through historical materials the denomination has made public.
  • Rodney Stark and William Bainbridge, The Future of Religion (1985). A foundational text of the sociology of religion, underlying this book's coordinates throughout.
  • The Chautauqua movement. A circuit of traveling lectures and tent-based education communities from the railroad era, the secular parallel case to the second wave.
  • The John Birch Society. A twentieth-century American right-wing movement that grew through print and chapter organization, a specimen showing the union of medium and belief community outside of religion.
  • The Esperanto movement. A record of how a single constructed language by Zamenhof has sustained an international belief community for over a century.
  • MrBeast. A single-person channel that became an enterprise of hundreds of employees — the present-day form of a rung-3 architect (en.wikipedia.org/wiki/MrBeast).

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